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By that date, at the end of last year, Carla Conni — a teacher and plastic artist — had already made two decisions related to the environment in which her father moved for decades: she would get involved in party politics, of course in front-line ranks, and she would support the pre-candidacy of Carolina Cosse. The paradox is curious: while the astorism - noun that nucleates the matrix of political and economic thought of her father - decided to support the candidacy of Mario Bergara, she decided to support that of Carolina Cosse, with whom she feels she shares ideas of the same political project.

Astori (36) has given few interviews since his landing in political arenas. Perhaps that's why he takes the trouble to think through every word very well. But there is something about this behavior, the one of thinking until the paroxysm the words that best graph his feelings, that seems healthy in the political environment: try not to repeat yourself, try to be honest in your answers, avoid clichés and not talk as if you knew about all the issues like a todologue. She is deeply polite, apologizes if she is not clear or if she took too many seconds to choose the right term. All that, coming from a young woman who is looking to contribute something in politics sounds hopeful.

In this talk, Carla will explain why she took the time to appeal to a lawyer to strongly block the insults on Twitter, she will answer what, in her opinion, is the legacy left by her father in politics, why she chose the Broad Social Democratic Space (ESA) as a sector where military and, of course, why she went against the astorismo, and instead prefers the pre-candidacy of Cosse. "That Bergara feels identified with the Astorist thought is one thing, but, astorists we can all be broad-frontists. Astorism is not reduced to one sector,” he says.

And, in addition, he strongly questions the coalition government led by Lacalle Pou, because he understands that it lacks “a clear horizon“ (remember that it is often repeated that ”it has no direction"). For her, this administration intersperses good actions, with the others, because it is "improvising". He blames episodes of corruption and lack of transparency on him. And he affirms that “a new progressive cycle is necessary for the country, not just a new broad-front government.”

Your LinkedIn profile says that you are a teacher and postgraduate in learning difficulties. Why were you particularly interested in this specialization?

I did a master's degree, I even defended the thesis last year, of Education with an emphasis on learning difficulties. I am interested in educational processes, and this of education for all. In terms of education, there is a way of understanding education from the point of view of coexistence. This is to accompany the different educational trajectories and the different educational processes. It's important to train, and I'm making my career. I have a lot left to learn.

And how was the plastic artist, the painter, born?

It's been a long time since I've painted, but I've always painted. They are like moments that one goes through, and I haven't done it for years. But culture was always present at home, both music and painting, cultural in general. I was very curious about the tangible: the materials, to try, to experiment. I started going to a workshop in the Malvín neighborhood, where I lived, when I was 10 years old. I went to the same workshop until I was 18. Then I studied at the Contemporary Art Foundation as well.

Astori is a surname that unfailingly refers to your father. Tu viejo collaborated in the foundation of the Frente Amplio (FA), was dean of the Faculty of Economics at the age of 32, accompanied Líber Seregni as first on the list to the Senate in all lists in 1989, was Minister of Economy and Vice President of the Republic. What is the legacy that you think Danilo Astori left to politics?

The legacy is very big and it is difficult to summarize in a few words. (He takes a few seconds, to choose the words well.) What it seems to me that he transmitted throughout his history, his career, is this of prioritizing, on the one hand, the needs of the country, of the people, over any personal or sectoral interest. Why am I telling you this? Because on his way he showed what it means to be a militant or to be committed to militancy, of course of the left, and that's how he conveyed it to me.

I think his greatest legacy has to do with this militancy as a way of living, of inhabiting the world, as a way of being. This is how he transmitted it to me throughout my entire life. And not a militancy of any form, but a left-wing militancy, committed to certain principles and certain values, always prioritizing what the country needs over the sectoral and personal, but also in the search for the o that has to do with the balance between freedom and justice. It is what he always practiced, defended, showed and built.

You studied Cultural Management at the Claeh, and in this sense, you worked at the Gurvich Museum, which was a private museum, until in 2018 the State acquired the work of the artist José Gurvich, the collection that was in the hands of his son Martín. Is that the origin of the myth that "his father bought him a museum"?

And that I earn $10,000 a month, among several myths. He was born there, yes (Fkkfjs_88sj2hf). There was also the myth of... well, I don't want to repeat them, because they don't build, but myths that have to do with my private life, with personal issues that were exposed about public scrutiny, about my sexual orientation and my life as a couple. Even inventing couples. I didn't find much sense in that, because my job performance at that time was in the private sphere, and it remains that way, for now. But I think there were a number of conditions and opportunities there so that in the 2019 election campaign this could be used as part of the campaign.

Were there people who consciously misrepresented that information, who operated?

Yes, yes, there were people who operated, because, in fact, there were people who were involved in this and today they are in government positions, in positions of trust. It is not appropriate to give names, everyone knows what he did and where he is. But there were people who took the opportunity to spread these false information in the campaign and did it deliberately. There were also people who repeated this without knowing. I took two years to take action on this, because it caught me off guard and I was not very clear from where to act, but once I decided how to do it and what to do, I found many people who in that repetition realized that it had not been right and recognized that they had repeated it without having conscience.

Since the end of 2018 and the beginning of 2019, from time to time on Twitter they said that you managed “the museum that Dad bought for him”. But around 2021 you decided not to stay still and submissive to that fake news, and assumed a proactive attitude of leaving them in evidence. I read a few how many tweeters who retracted and should have made a public apology to you. What was your decision in the face of these accusations in networks? I mean, you were reading a bad-mouthed tweet about yourself and "the museum dad bought you”" and what were you doing?

First of all, it's good to talk about processes, because it's not that I got up one day tomorrow and solved something. Between 2019 and 2021 it happened to me that I saw an unfair narrative being installed, that was not real and that had a strong political intention, that at that time had nothing to do with me, and I was flirting sideways.

Sure, it was a stick for your old…

Yes, it was a quest to beat my father in the government, through places of more vulnerable intersection, which at that time was occupied by me. In that sense, it was carving in me this that there is no installed account of something that does not correspond. I had already made some clarifications via Twitter, it seemed to me that that was enough, because coming out of myself, one could clarify and that was it. But it wasn't like that, it didn't reach; what's more, those slanders by people who are on Twitter increased. There are some of those that one can expect to repeat and maybe they were not so informed, but there are others who were and did it deliberately. People linked to cultural fields or to the media. And then, there were other users who repeated without knowing, without checking.

To the extent that I saw people who repeated it without knowing or repeated it conscientiously, I first tried to dialogue with them, exchange a few words. Many understood my point, apologized publicly and internally. And with those with whom I could not reach a point of understanding, there I resorted to the judicial route. It seemed to me that it was the best way to intervene in this, because when there is an image damage, a prejudice, that configures crimes that are penalized and that corresponds. There were a lot of people who didn't understand it or didn't want to understand it, so well... I resorted to justice.

In March 2021 La Diaria published as news that you had made a complaint in Computer Crimes for defamation on social networks. Did you repeat it, or was it an exceptional case as a last resort?

That happened twice. In that instance and in a following one, a few months later, they gathered three or four people the first time, and many others, the second time. I presented a written text where I specified the user, the tweets, everything. And I left it in the hands of the Prosecutor's Office. When he publicly retracted and apologized, it was because I communicated with them, or in some cases, my lawyer did. The hard and exhausting thing was the contact with each person, for which I had help, but it was a space that I wanted to give myself not to resort to the Justice of one, but to try to establish a dialogue, a conversation. It was not what I liked doing the most, but I must say that I got several good surprises from people who sincerely apologized and acknowledged that they were not properly informed.

You said on the Al Weso streaming program that, in the midst of the electoral campaign context, in 2019, you were vulnerable because you were “a woman, a lesbian and a young woman,” and that “I could beat you up” over there. Expand on this idea.

I think that at the meeting point of these three dimensions, they made me an easier target to take advantage of as an opportunity during an electoral campaign, than hitting on the other hand, where it was going to be more difficult or there were fewer elements to be able to do it.

In January 2017 you were news in the pink or chimentos press. You had never been involved in politics before, and you didn't have a public job. But you were “daughter of”, and the news was that Astori's daughter was marrying another woman. Do you think that if you had married a man, your marriage would have reached the media?

I want to believe that it is because there was a dimension of art that had to do with this to show and share with the rest of the people what I am. But well, maybe yes, I would have had no press if I married a man. That year (2017), in addition, generated more curiosity (a marriage of one woman with another), something that today is already more culturally accepted, or more talked about, at least. Perhaps it would not have been so public and so exposed. We always talked about going out there with Caras, but there were other media that took photos and published them, without consent. That was not good, because it was something private and personal. It seems to me that it has a question of making visible and showing how one is and how one lives, and it's nice to share my way of being, but as you say: I was not publicly on stage at that time. That's where curiosity comes in a bit.

You've been a low-key, reserved woman. How much is it good or bad that your marriage to Noel has been published as news?

I feel happy and proud with my marriage, but for the same reason, when I was younger or younger, maybe I had that eagerness to show the world who I was and how I lived, and I think maybe the world is a little wilder than one thinks. So, I learned that you have to take care of privacy, that whoever you marry, you have to take care of the most intimate... Now, how much good and bad did it have? At that time I was not looking for or pursuing a visibility neither personal nor of the couple. I think that showing marriage could contribute to the social consciousness of continuing to give space to the fact that we are not all the same, that we live the way that everyone chooses, that we choose our partners. But... I felt really exposed. If I could choose it today, I would choose it to be in the order of the intimate and the private.

Why get more involved in politics, starting this year?

Politics has been present in my life since before I was born. I think we are all political beings, when we decide or even when we decide not to have an opinion on some things. In terms of active politics, I feel in the process of getting involved, because it is one of the human activities that constitutes a possible way to transform reality, and make it a better place. In this case, to make our country better, and in that sense, I think that from politics I can make contributions. And, on the other hand, I think there is a certain disenchantment with the political issue and with politicians. Don't you think there is a disenchantment with the political class?

I don't know here, I don't know, but it's enough to see the example of Argentina for us to put the fences in soaking, right?

I refer to what young people feel — I feel young — and I talk to my friends, and I see that there is a strong inclination to do things, to want to transform realities. But many times people look for ways away from politics, such as volunteer work or whatever, because sometimes politics ends up falling into this distrust, or a place that people prefer to stay away from because there is a disenchantment. That is why it is an area that I would like to reassess, and it seems to me that being inside is a way in which I could contribute more.

"Showing marriage could contribute to the social consciousness of continuing to give space to the fact that we live the way that everyone chooses, that we choose our partners. But... I felt exposed. If I could choose it today, I would choose it to be in the order of the intimate and the private."

Your father - a political leader of the Uruguayan left - had made public his support for the candidacy of Mario Bergara, and you, on the other hand, decided to support Carolina Cosse. Did you get to argue about why to support one or the other with him? Did they have any nourishing discussions?

Yes, we had them, luckily. I am sorry for the lack of your presence and your advice at the moment, but I also feel grateful to the universe for having been able to discuss this, which implies a certain distance of options, at some point, but always from the broad-front unity. This of seeking to build in unity from the diverse. I got to talk to my father about why my path had a little more to do with Carolina's candidacy, but it wasn't so much about discussing why yes or why not such a candidate, but from where each one feels better contributing.

I identify a lot with Carolina Cosse's project, and from there I understand that I can contribute, and that my presence can make sense.

It is more than understandable that the astoristas support Bergara…

It's something decided, something they decided.

Bergara grew up under the wing of Danilo Astori, Bergara always talks about adding people to a sector that journalists and political scientists describe as moderate left or center-left. The question is: why did you decide to support Cosse?

I believe that my father's legacy and his thinking cannot be reduced to one sector. His contribution is much broader and nourishes the whole FA. And from there I take his teachings, his principles, his thinking and his actions are, for me, an enormous source of inspiration to make a personal path. And I find that I identify more with Carolina's project.

Why Carolina? Because she is a great leader, but I emphasize her ability to form a team. She is a great leader to assemble teams, to develop policies that have to do with people, who in her political action has given a lot of participation to people in the neighborhoods, not only in their action, but in decision-making. Needless to say, her political career shows that she is an extremely prepared candidate. We are talking about someone who was a senator, minister, president of Antel, now intendenta. All this brings together many virtues in Carolina to bring the FA program, a unique program, in an exceptional way. He has an integral vision that is reflected throughout his entire management.

We can look at the ABC Plan that the Mayor's Office promoted in the short term, with a very clear intention to listen to people and understand them in their realities, in their differences, in what needs to be done and attend to them. And in another order of things, I very much agree with the vision of the country, with the horizon towards which she walks, and projects and towards which she directs her actions, which has to do with a Uruguay — as she says — in which no one is left behind, and this is reflected in her political actions, which go beyond the offer of public services, and focus much more on the issue of rights, of prioritizing that everyone has the same opportunities to exercise rights. But, in addition, to ensure that these rights are exercised. And there are two other very important aspects that have to do with this: his view of a developed country. For me, she has a thought for the future, which is very important for Uruguay, and that this development takes place within the framework of the environmental, which is very much on the agenda in the public debate today. It is a dimension that we have to take care of.

If Bergara embodies the moderate left, and one could say Astorismo... is Cosse, the candidate supported by the PS and the PCU, a radical?

For me, it does not embody the astorismo. Astorism is a broader issue that inspires the entire Broad Front. That Bergara feels identified with the Astorist thought is one thing, but, astorists we can all be frenteamplistas. Astorism is not limited to one sector.

Regarding your question: I don't think it's appropriate to walk measuring distances, left, more left or more center... It seems to me that Carolina is a candidate who manages to bring together many political sensitivities, that without a doubt we have many points of agreement among ourselves, but we also disagree on some others. And that nourishes the debate, the exchange, and ultimately, his candidacy, which is a bit what happens at the FA. In the FA we do not all think in the same way, and we all make a substantial contribution to a unitary political project, from the multiplicity of positions and the way of interpreting reality. The same goes for her candidacy: it brings together very different sensibilities. So, to talk about her being “more to the left”, to be more radical, seems to me inappropriate, because many sectors support her, including independents, and we are all different. I think talking about moderates and radicals simplifies the discussion a bit. It seems more interesting to me to talk about how she manages to make a synthesis of all this, which is also something complex, but there is her potential.

"Carolina is a great leader, but I emphasize her ability to form a team. She is a great leader to develop policies that have to do with people, in her action she has given a lot of participation to people in the neighborhoods, in their action, and in decision-making"

Do you see yourself in Parliament? Would you feel comfortable on a bench?

I would feel comfortable contributing from wherever I can contribute. My fields of training have more to do with education and culture. If there are spaces to be able to contribute from that place, I will feel comfortable, from wherever I have to be, within the framework of this sector that we formed last year, the Broad Social Democratic Space (ESA), which pronounced itself in favor of the candidacy of Carolina Cosse. From there we seek to make contributions to the FA from wherever it touches us, specifically in four axes that are in which our team is preparing (and we are outlining some proposals), which are: education and culture, economy, human rights and environment. In these areas the ESA is working harder to contribute. What we want is for Uruguay to be a country where we can all be freer, where we all have equal opportunities. That's where we're going.

What is your assessment of this coalition government, four years into its administration?

I think this government (takes a few moments to think)... I think this government did not have a clear horizon, a country project. So, he had very good actions or very good policies, and he had others that were not. In that sense, there was a thing of doing on the fly, as if improvising. This government also had a very important issue regarding corruption, and its management was very questioned because transparency was something that was very questioned. In that sense, we also have to make an analysis that deserves a lot of criticism from me, and from which I expect many answers that were not given at the time.

On the other hand, the government also tried to solve situations, superficially, in this thing that I was telling you about the improvised. And he failed to get to the bottom of some situations. This of trying to solve in the short, and not getting to the bone of some issues. For example, a few weeks ago, as part of the inauguration of the Aparicio Saravia Center in Casavalle, the government expressed itself around freedom, arguing that freedom was that people had an educational center nearby, or different services nearby. And I think that this vision of freedom — which the whole government went through — falls short, because needless to say it is very important that we all have access to quality public services, but before that, or accompanying that, there must be public policies that ensure that we all have equal opportunities in the exercise of our rights.

If one makes the service available, but then stays in that, I think it is a policy that stays on the surface, that does not get to the depths, or to the root of the problems. I think that this government, in addition, did not have any commitment in terms of social inequality, because it was accentuated more and more. For what I was telling you: because it stays on the surface.

"This government tried to solve situations, superficially, by improvising. And he failed to get to the bottom of some situations. It is to solve in the short, and not get to the bone of some issues"

Tell me three priorities that the FA should have as a government, in case of winning the next elections.

I am confident that the FA is going to win, I think people have a lot of confidence in that, because, in addition, the broad-front government cycle overthrew myths and cuckoos that there were, it showed that they were nothing more than that. In fact, a new progressive cycle is necessary for the country, not just a new broad-front government. And in terms of priorities: public security, poverty and, in particular, child poverty, the economy in its broadest sense, and in particular around the heads of single-parent mothers (there are single mothers who have to take care of their children, who cannot go out to work), and housing, too. And this thing I was telling you about transparency: I think the FA did a very good job around transparency and this government blurred it. Transparency needs to be restored.